The Syriac Tradition in Cyprus: Between yesterday, today and tomorrow.

 XII SYMPOSIUM SYRIACUM 2016

SYRIAC TRADITION IN CYPRUS AND PERSIA

 

The Maronite Archbishop of Cyprus

Youssef Soueif

 

The Syriac Tradition in Cyprus: 

Between yesterday, today and tomorrow. 

 

 

 

The Island of Cyprus, the most Oriental part of Europe, is and was the gateway to the Middle East. This cosmopolitan Island, rich in its religious and cultural diversity, was marked remarkably by its different historical cultures. Being an oasis of encounters and a vital bridge for multi- cultural integrations, a safety refuge for many, as well as a vital commercial centre, this Island had its long history of co-existence, for many centuries, between Greeks, Francs, Latins, Nestorians, Maronites, Armenians, Jacobites, Georgians, Copts, Melkites, Rums, Nubians, Indians, Ethiopians, Jews, Arabs, Turks, Egyptians and British[1]. We notice at the same time a notable presence of a large Syriac community, which had its own Churches and at the same time was distinguished by its Syriac language, liturgical rites and culture, but was diverse in its beliefs.

 

 

  1. Cyprus: Refuge and Comfort for minorities

Cyprus in history was a very important country in regards to commercial movements and job opportunities as it was in the heart and at the centre of the Arabic Byzantium era. Its rich history starting with the presence of the Franks in the time of Richard the lion heart and Reinhart of Lusignan, proceeding with the Venetians and the Ottoman Empire, then the British until the present Republic we recognize that all this and more make this small island a witness to a major commercial, financial and political interactions, a great evolution which derives mainly from its geographical and geopolitical position. As we know the location of Cyprus as an Island in the Mediterranean, is very essential in connecting Europe with Asia, being the gateway to the Middle East and a real strategic point for business, so, in a nutshell, the first and main focal point of the importance of Cyprus, is being the safety refuge because of persecution and hardships, and having it as aspiration to a better life and a prosperous future to many. These factors made people reside in Cyprus, interact and co-exist in order to play an effective role in the multicultural building of the Cypriot society.

 

 

  1. A pluralist Character of the Island

A point worth mentioning here, is that many communities consider Cyprus as their refuge; Among them were the Syriacs whom their presence with all other minorities including the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots, have made the Cypriot society obtain a special unique characteristic identity which was imbedded in the cultural and the social pluralism.  Even when the Cypriot identity was facing a crisis because of pluralism, this identity was tamed through the years, which resulted in a pluralistic society when it comes to Religions and Cultures, being is the most important traits of the Cypriot identity today, in the sense of belonging to both the Greek and the Turkish culture as well as the Syriac tradition together with others who played a significant role in the history of the Island, in its social, religious and cultural heritage.

The most important thing in all this is to understand how we can together believe and work towards a culture of pluralism, one society with the respect of human rights, especially freedom of religion, freedom of conscience, freedom of speech accepting the others’ differences, as Cyprus has a history and solid roots in this field.

 

  1. A historical overview: The Nestorians, The Jacobites and The Maronites

The variety of religions and cultures together with the linguistic diversity made us re-read the history with great objectivity and led us to search more about the existence of the Nestorians and the Jacobites on the Island[2] in order to understand better their influential presence during the Islamic conquest and the dwelling of the Arabs in Cyprus. Let us here present a historical review of the Nestorians, Jacobites and the Maronites and their influence during the political eras that Cyprus went through.

Despite the difficulties in finding the historical facts because the sources are not precise, research shows that the presence of Syrians: Nestorians, Jacobites and Maronites Bishops on the Island existed since the 7th – 8th Centuries[3].

 

3.1 The Nestorians

During the frank domination, in January 1222, the first information we have got of the Syrian presence, was noticeable when Honorius III responded to the complaint of the Latin Archbishop of Nicosia, Eustorge, as the latter lamented that Syrians, Nestorians, Jacobites and Maronites refused to place themselves under his authority. Eustorge stressed that these groups were acting out of a spiritual hierarchy. The Pope therefore, imposed obedience for each community, under a consequence of censure[4]. Accepting this clause, the Monophysites would live their faith according to their respective rites. In 1236, although we do not know the reaction of the Island’s Monophysites, we can assume that they followed the act of reconciliation given by the Jacobite Patriarch and the Archbishop of Nestorians in Syria. The Episcopal lists reveal the existence of Nestorians and Jacobites bishops in Nicosia in the 13th century[5].

After 1291, according to an Arabic source, the Nestorians of Syria, were first deported to Damascus and Cairo and were allowed to settle in Beirut and Cyprus, eager to escape the payment of the “jizya” and opt for a settlement in the island[6]In 1340, the information could not be corroborated, but it was certain that the Nestorians had a colony in Nicosia, under the leadership of a bishop, dependant of the city of Tarsus, who renewed the agreement of the Union with Rome. The circumstances of this union were political, religious and commercial[7].

Towards the middle of the fourteenth century, the Nestorian merchants of Famagusta, formed a financial aristocracy which its affluence striked the mind of columnists. In the 14th century, on profits’ convoys, Lakha built the church of the Nestorians, St. George Xorinos (Exileur) of a Gothic style but decorated it with frescoes and inscriptions in Syriac[8]In 1374, the prosperity disappeared, when Famagusta was captured by the Genoese and when the fortune of Lakha was used to finance the ransom[9]In 1445, the Nestorian community, refused the decisions of the Council of Florence and was subjected to pressure. Meanwhile their spiritual leader Timothy, Archbishop of Tarsus, accepted the union with Rome and received therefore various privileges, then later on he was appointed as Abbot of St. Mary of Beaulieu. During the Venetian domination, the community was limited to few families in Nicosia, under the jurisdiction of its bishop[10]In 1629: The last mention of the Nestorians, belonged to Pietro Vespa, who counted a hundred merchants in Pafos[11].

 

3.2 The Jacobites

In 1222, the Jacobites, experiencing a similar fate and having no religious leader, accepted the guardianship of Eustorge, the Latin Archbishop, whom, in return, granted them freedom of worship. Since 1264, the Jacobites of the island had a bishop and rector who attended the synod held in Nicosia.

For the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the names of seven bishops were recorded and we can see that the family of Audeth seemed the most powerful[12]. Therefore, in 1451, Antoine Audeth investigated for four Jacobites institutions: the Notre-Dame (cathedral), St. Nicolas church, the monastery of the Holy Cross in Omorfita, Mar Behna Church in Famagusta. Then, the Jacobites were assimilated into the Frankish society. During Venetian times, a small community was always located in Nicosia, and their last known bishop was Isaac who died in 1583[13]In 1627 a few Jacobites remained on the island having only dozen of homes[14].

 

3.3 The Maronites

The Maronites are a particular case to study[15], to the extent that their establishment is firstly effected in rural areas.

In the time of the Persecution of Arabs we see that the origin of their installation is related to the deportations of Mardaites from Lebanon, decreed by Justinian II in 686[16]. The persecutions to which the Maronites of Syria were victims of did not interrupt the first migrations to Cyprus that dated back to the VIII-IX centuries. From the beginning of the twelfth century, the presence of a large community was established, and a monastery was dedicated to St. John at Kouzbande (Koutsovendis) and all the Church leaders were appointed by the Patriarch in Lebanon[17]. Thereafter, when the status of the Uniate Church was conferred on the Maronite obedience, at the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215, emigration to Cyprus was facilitated[18]. What added to the emigration to Cyprus was the fall of the Cross principalities and the massacres committed by the Mamluks in the count of Tripoli which rushed more the attempts, and allowed the growth of the island’s community after 1289[19].

Under the Lusignan era, the history of the Maronites of Cyprus was limited to the reiteration of their subjection to doctrine of the Catholic Church. The Holy See regularly was suspecting the degree of adherence of the Maronites to the Latin dogmas and rites[20]. The life of the Maronites continued in the villages of Cyprus[21] a church was built and was dedicated to St James and Bishop Gabriel Ibn al-Qela’I was appointed in 1507[22].

In the 1560s, the religious history of the community was known through cases involving relations of the Maronite Cypriots with the patriarchate of Lebanon at a time when the Holy See sought to renew its relationship with the Eastern Churches and when the Maronites of Cyprus hoped to take advantage of their role as intermediaries between Italy and the East[23].

During the Venetian times, the Maronite population was distributed over 33 villages. They had also a monastery dedicated to St. George of Atalu. In Nicosia, the number of Maronites was much smaller and the Venetian authorities being concerned about their fate, seeked to protect the vexations inflicted by the Greeks[24].

The Ottoman conquest amended the situation of the Maronites even when they retained a protected status (dhimmi)[25]. During the seventeenth-nineteenth centuries, the rivalry with the Greeks to control the Parish churches led to assimilate the Maronites among others. Since 1610 the islanders lamented the remoteness of their spiritual leader, permanently from 1670 and officially confirmed by the Lebanese synod of 1736[26]. Therefore, the peasants lived in a cultural isolation that facilitated the penetration of the Greek influence. The Maronites and the Greeks were competing on the administration of the Churches and in 1625 the Church of the Virgin Mary in Kythrea was taken over by the Greeks but returned to the Maronites in 1641[27]. Attempts by the Italian minor brothers, were not enough to support the peasant populations which generate tensions; Early 1639, three archpriests and eight Maronite priests complained of their bishop and in 1661 rituals at church were Hellenized[28] . In fact the Greeks were always trying to assimilate the Maronites into their culture through the domination of the orthodox clergy and its authoritarianism despite the practice of the Latin rite among the Maronite community[29]In 1669 Estephan Duwayhi was appointed Archbishop of Cyprus, after a vacancy of thirty years[30].

Around 1729, Maronite “missionaries” went around the countryside to strengthen the faith of their fellow Maronites[31]. The Lebanese Synod of 1736 provided for the establishment of a school in Cyprus and this fact encouraged the local Maronite community[32].  In 1845 the Maronites received their independence from the Sultan. By 1898, there were five villages inhabited by the Maronites: Kormakiti, Asomatos, Karpasia, Ayia Marina, Kambili, as some converted to Islam. In the early twentieth century, the Maronites still had 8 churches and 4 monasteries.

 

 

  1. Some Ecclesiastical and Liturgical facts about the Maronites

While the Nestorians and Jacobites resided in Famagusta, the Maronite presence on the Island was mainly in the region of Kyrinia and the Mountain Chain of Pendadaktilo as there was an earlier reference to the presence of the Maronite villages that existed at that time through records of weddings and baptisms and confirmed through legal papers and manuscripts[33].

As an ecclesiastical fact, the history tells us that at the end of the seventeenth century, the residence of the Bishop of Cyprus was transferred from Nicosia to Lebanon, to the Lebanese part of the Eparchy. The priests in Cyprus blamed their bishop for this decision so in 1988 the Maronite Synod decided to separate the two parts of the Archeparchy of Cyprus. Prior to this decision the Maronites lived in an isolation which facilitated the cultural Greek influence into their social life while they were struggling to safeguard their religious and liturgical characteristics.

It is worth mentioning here that the Maronite missionary movement started in the beginning of the 18th century. Its aim was to visit the Maronite villages in Cyprus, strengthening the faith of the believers. Among these missionaries was Father John from Karpasha, the Apostolic protonotarios as well as Father Andreh Skender who taught the Arabic language in the Sapienza University and was a translator in the Holy See. The latter as well took charge of the publication of the second edition of the Maronite Mass in 1716 and left an amount money to support the clerical formation of the Maronite seminaries[34].

Many clergy followed their studies in the Theological Institute in Rome and have reached high position in the Hierarchy of the Church, among them: Kasbar Al Gharib who provided the Archbishopric in Nicosia with a book that gathered all the Maronite theological mistakes. He was sent by Patriarch Makhlouf to accomplish several tasks in Rome, in Toskana with Mir Fakhr Eddin, to Venice, to France, to Madrid and to Florence[35]. In the Eighteenth Century, we see an impressive activity of the Maronite clergy of Cyprus as we notice that on 7 March 1738, Father J. S. Assemani held a Synod in Nicosia two years after the Lebanese Synod, to put in practice its decisions[36].

 

During the presence of the Maronites on the Island until our present day and despite the many translations of the rituals, prayers and hymns, from the Arabic and Aramaic to the modern Greek language, the Maronites in Cyprus still until today pray a considerable part in Syriac and Arabic, written in Greek characters, in order not to feel or experience a loss of identity. It will be worth mentioning here that Cyprus has got a huge liturgical heritage for the whole Maronite Church, preserved in manuscripts and Liturgical pastoral practices. In fact the oldest Diaconal comes from the village of Kambili where the Maronites kept using it in a 12th century old Church[37]. So until today the Syriac dialect is used in the liturgy, while the apostle letters and the gospel readings were still in Greek, and with the modern translations, all the Syriac hymns chanted during the Mass are written in Greek characters which we call “karshouneh” as well as the Arabic is written in Syriac characters.

 

  1. The Maronite’s Arabic Dialect of Cyprus

It was very essential for the Maronites, as a historical minority, to preserve the ecclesiastical, liturgical, cultural and linguistic characteristics as part of their fundamental reason to safeguard their identity, as it is all linked to their existence and the survival of the new generation that was yet to evolve, otherwise the community will face a real danger of assimilation. Today the four Maronite villages settled in the Northern Part of Cyprus are Kormakitis, Asomatos, Agia Marina and Karpasha, all four speak the Greek language as they are part of the Greek Cypriot Community. Only the village of Kormakitis preserves an old Arabic dialect called “Hki Fi Sanna” = Talk Our language. In this context we see initiatives taken to revive this dialect named “The Cypriot Maronite Arabic” (Hki Fi Sanna) which since 2002, is one of UNESCO-designated severely endangered languages and, since 2008, it is recognised as a minority language of Cyprus, is coinciding  with an attempt to revitalise the language that may prove to be futile[38].

Analysing the phonetic of this dialect, we observe its similarity with the Iraqi and the Syrian dialects more than the Lebanese dialect. The dialect of Kormakitis was not developed through the living experience of the inhabitants of the village because of its geography that is far away from the rest of the Maronite villages. So the people started borrowing words and sentences from both the Greek and the Turkish languages in order to complete the meaning of the sentence.

The phonetic similarities of this language with some Arabic dialects and the presence of both Jacobites and Nestorians could lead us to the following probability: With the disappearance of the Church’s hierarchy for both Jacobites and Nostarians churches from Cyprus, the faithful of both churches started gathering in one location and joined the Maronites in worship and as they all shared the same Syriac liturgical language. This interaction which started from the Liturgical Syriac factor and the heritage taken from the common Syriac fathers, made these people live together and starting certain social relations among themselves with mixed marriages, to the extent that these communities developed to be assimilated into the Maronite community that it already existed and lived in various villages in Cyprus.

It should be mentioned at this point that Syriac people in that period of time started using an Arabic dialect next to the Syriac. This interface left not only a linguistic trace but also a specific musical interpretation in the liturgical melody. One can observe the influence of the musical character in the Maronite liturgy.

 

  1. The characteristics of the Maronite identity

 

Searching for their identity, the Maronites did not lock themselves in “Ghettos”. On the contrary, they interacted with people from different cultures, mainly with the Greek community which influenced many aspects of their traditions and cultures, especially the iconography which held a byzantine character. In their daily life, the Maronites used the Greek as their official language.

Above all, the spiritual link with Lebanon was one of the main identity’s traits of the Maronites of Cyprus through their attachment to the Patriarchate and the Patriarch himself as their spiritual leader. Through their relationship with Qannoubin in Qadisha Valley and the Monasteries to which they organised continuous pilgrimages from all around the world, the Maronites expressed their need to be linked to their roots and spiritual symbols in order to survive. In addition to that, we notice a great love and attachment to mother land as they consider it to be the land of their ancestors. In other words, the return of the Maronites to their villages in Northern Cyprus is a must to safeguard their presence and their future.

 

 

Conclusion

During their history, the Maronites had a unique and basic aim which was to work hard for centuries to preserve their identity and avoid possible assimilation into the Greek or the Turkish communities.

Reading about the Syriac tradition and the Heritage of the Syriac culture in the island, it is important to promote a heritage that is so rich and goes back to the days of Antioch and Mesopotamia. This culture contributed to the spread of Christianity since the very early centuries, up to China and India, and contributed to a better world with solid beliefs within the Christian communities that existed.

Having said that, a question should be asked here: why through the Maronites of Cyprus, can’t we renew the Syriac presence in the Island and in the Middle East Region?

Cyprus more than any time before is called to solve its problem and build again the bridge between the countries of the region, re-playing its essential role of a focal meeting point to all different cultures, interactions and diverse communities in a united Island. Reviewing the historical different roles that Cyprus played in history, being a refuge and a place of prosperity and peace, and in the light of what is happening today in the Region, will Cyprus remain the place where all Christian minorities would like to reside, work, live and function?

By voicing these questions and concerns loudly, and by sharing some thoughts with other church leaders of the neighbouring countries, Cyprus is and will still be getting the attention of neighbouring countries of the Middle East, and will still be the centre of talk and negotiations, hoping that a solution will be reached in the near future.

 

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY and ABREVIATIONS

 

Arbel (B.), «Cypriot Population under Venetian Rule (1473-1571)», Μελεται και ‘Υπομνήματα I, 1984, p. 181-215.

Anaissi T., Bullarium Maronitarum, Rome 1911.

Anaissi T., Collectio Documentarum Maronitarum, Livourne 1912.

Andrekos Varnava,  Nicholas Coureas and Marina Elia, The Minorities of Cyprus: Development Patterns and the Identity of the Internal-Exclusion Hardcover – Unabridged, January 12, 2008

Borg, Alexander (1985). Cypriot Arabic: A Historical and Comparative Investigation into the Phonology and Morphology of the Arabic Vernacular Spoken by the Maronites of Kormakiti Village in the Kyrenia District of North-Western Cyprus. Stuttgart: Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft. ISBN 3-515-03999-6.

Borg, Alexander (1997). “Cypriot Arabic Phonology”. In Kaye, Alan S. Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). 1. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. pp. 219–244. ISBN 1-57506-017-5.

Borg, Alexander (2004). A Comparative Glossary of Cypriot Maronite Arabic (Arabic-English). Brill. ISBN 90-04-13198-1.

Carali (P. P.), Fakhr ad-Din II, principe delLibano e la corte di Toscana (1605-1635), Rome, 1936.

Council of Europe (2011-01-18). “European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. Third periodical presented to the Secretary General of the Council of Europe in accordance with Article 15 of the Charter. CYPRUS.

Council of Europe (2014-01-16). European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. Fourth periodical presented to the Secretary General of the Council of Europe in accordance with Article 15 of the Charter. CYPRUS

Dib P., Étude sur la liturgie maronite, Paris 1919, 34-37.

Fedalto (G.), Hierarchia ecclesiastica orientalis, Padoue 1988, 2 vol.

Gemayel P.E., ID., Avant-Messe maronite. Histoiree et structure (OCA 147) Rome 1965, 98-110;

Gill (J.), The Council of Florence, Cambridge 1959.

Grivaud G., Les minorités orientales à Chypre  = Grivaud Gilles. Les minorités orientales à Chypre (époques médiévale et moderne). In: Chypre et la Méditerranée orientale. Formations identitaires: perspectives historiques et enjeux contemporains. Actes du colloque tenu à Lyon, 1997, Université Lumière-Lyon 2, Université de Chypre. Lyon : Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée Jean Pouilloux, 2000. pp. 43-70. (Travaux de la Maison de l’Orient méditerranéen)

http://www.persee.fr/web/ouvrages/home/prescript/article/mom_1274-6525_2000_act_31_1_1841

Hadjioannou, Xenia; Tsiplakou, Stavroula; Kappler, Matthias (2011). “Language policy and language planning in Cyprus”. Current Issues in Language Planning. Routledge. 12 (4): 503–569. doi:10.1080/14664208.2011.629113.

Hamilton (Β.), The Latin Church in the Crusader States, Londres 1980.

Hayek M., Liturgie maronite, histoire et textes eucharistiques, Tours 1964, 61-67;

Heyberger (Β.), Les chrétiens du Proche- Orient au temps de la Réforme catholique, Rome 1994.

Hki Fi Sanna; Ztite, Kermia (2008). Comments in accordance with Article 16.2 of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages Hki Fi Sanna.

Hourani Guita, An Abridgment of the History of the Cypriot Maronite Community, Lebanon 2007.

Jennings (R. C), « The population, taxation, and wealth in the cities and villages of Cyprus, according to the detailed population survey (defter-i mufassal) of 1572 », Journal of Turkish Studies X, 1986, p. 175-189.

Jennings (R. C), Christians and Muslims in Ottoman Cyprus and the Mediterranean World, 1571-1640, New York-Londres 1993.

Jauna (D.), Histoire générale des roïaumes de Chypre, de Jérusalem, d’Arménie et d’Egypte, Leyde 1747, 2 vol.

Kazarian Nicolas, Chypre, Géopolitique et Minorités, l’Harmattan 2012.

Kyrris (C. P.), « Military colonies in Cyprus in the Byzantine period: their character, purpose and extent », 1970 Byzantinoslavica XXXI/2, p. 157- 181.

Machakas (L.), Recital concerning the sweet land of Cyprus entitled Kronaka, Oxford, Dawkins (R. M.) éd., 2 vol, 1932.

Mansi (J. D.), Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, Venise 1759-1798, 31 vol.

Mas-Latrie (L. de), 1852-1861 = Mas-Latrie (L. de), Histoire de l’île de Chypre sous le règne des princes de la  maison de Lusignan, Paris1852-1861, 3 vol.

Moosa (M.), The Maronites in History, Syracuse (New York) 1986.

Nasrallah (J.), Histoire du mouvement littéraire dans l’Église melchite du Ve au XXe siècle, Louvain-Paris1981-1983, 4 vol.

Owens, Jonathan (2006). A Linguistic History of Arabic. Oxford University PressISBN 0-19-929082-2.

Palmieri A., «Chypre », DTC II, col. 2424-2472

Richard (J.), (a), «Les turcoples au service des royaumes de Jérusalem et de Chypre : musulmans convertis ou chrétiens orientaux ? », Revue des études islamiques 56, p. 259-270, repris dans Richard (J.), 1992, Croisades et États latins d’Orient, Londres1986, étude n° X.

Richard (J.), « La cour des Syriens de Famagouste d’après un texte de 1448 », Byzantinische Forschungen XII, p. 383-398, repris dans Richard (J.), 1992, Croisades et États latins d’Orient, Londres 1987, étude n° XVII.

Rudt de collenberg (W. H.), 1984-1987, « Le royaume et l’Église latine de Chypre et la Papauté de 1417 à 1471», Έπετηρις τοΰ Κέντρου ‘Επιστημονικών ‘Ερευνών XIII-XVI/1, p. 63-193.

The Maronite Archbishopric of Cyprus, The History of the Maronite Community of Cyprus through the Birth Register,1669-1921, Nicosia 2008

Thomas, George J. (2000). “The Spoken Arabic Dialect Of The Maronites Of Cyprus”. The Journal of Maronite Studies. 4 (1).

Tsiapera, Maria (1969). A Descriptive Analysis of Cypriot Maronite Arabic. The Hague: Mouton.

Versteegh, Kees (2001). The Arabic Language. Edinburgh University PressISBN 0-7486-1436-2.

[1] Andrekos Varnava,  Nicholas Coureas and Marina Elia, The Minorities of Cyprus: Development Patterns and the Identity of the Internal-Exclusion Hardcover – Unabridged, January 12, 2008.

 

[2] PALMIERI A., «Chypre », DTC II, col. 2424-2472, Kazarian Nicolas, 2012, Chypre, Géopolitique et Minorités, l’Harmattan, p 146,159.

[3] Grivaud G., Les minorités orientales à Chypre, 51-52 ;

[4] Gill 1959, p. 336-337 ; Rudt de Collenberg 1984-1987, p. 63-193, 154, 156, 159, 161 ; Grivaud G., Les minorités orientales à Chypre, p 51.

 

[5] Hamilton 1980, p. 349, 355-356 ; Coureas 1997, p. 270;

[6] Machairas, II, p. 91.

[7] Dauvillier 1948, p. 274 ; Fedalto 1988, II, p. 884. Mansi 1759-1798, XXVI, col. 372.

[8] Machairas, § 92-96 ; Amadi, p. 409 ; Florio Bustron, p. 258 ; Enlart 1899, I, p. 356-365 ; Brincken 1973, p. 319.

[9] Machairas, § 452.

[10] Lusignan 1580, f. 75r

[11] Tsirpanlis 1973, n° 25

[12] Mansi 1759-1798, XXVI, col. 372 ; Richard 1979, p. 170 ; Hamilton 1980, p. 349, 353 ; Fedalto 1988, II, p. 884.

[13] Fedalto 1988, II, p. 884.

[14] Tsirpanlis 1973, n° 13, 14, 16. Keeping aside the information given by the Maronite Archbishop who in 1625 listed 400 Jacobites and Catholic Coptic ibid., n° 1.

[15] Hourani Guita, An Abridgment of the History of the Cypriot Maronite Community, Lebanon 2007

[16] Mas-Latrie (L. de), 1852-1861, p 109 ; Grivaud G., Les minorités orientales à Chypre, p 53 ;

[17] Kyrris (C. P.), 1970, « Military colonies in Cyprus in the Byzantine period: their character, purpose and extent », Byzantinoslavica XXXI/2, p. 177-180.

[18] Jauna (D.), 1747, Histoire générale des roïaumes de Chypre, de Jérusalem, d’Arménie et d’Egypte, Leyde, 2 vol. p 9; Hamilton 1980, p. 207-208, 332-334 ; Moosa 1986, p. 219-224 ; Grivaud G., Les minorités orientales à Chypre, p 53.

[19] Mansi 1759-1798, XXVI, col. 372 ; Fedalto 1988, II, p. 885; Grivaud G., Les minorités orientales à Chypre, p 53.

[20] Moosa 1986, p. 217-266.

[21] Richard 1980, p. 90;

[22] Dib 1962-1973, I, p. 102-103 ; Moosa 1986, p. 239; Röhricht 1884, p. 462-463; Grivaud G., Les minorités orientales à Chypre, p 54

[23] Dib 1962-1973, I, p. 137 (based on some arabic notes in the Vatican Archive).

[24] Lusignan 1572, f. 34V ; Lusignan 1580, f. 73r; Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Senato Mar, filza 34 ; Stella 1963, n° 13, 14, 17; Grivaud G., Les minorités orientales à Chypre, p 56

[25] Jennings (R. C), 1993, Christians and Muslims in Ottoman Cyprus and the Mediterranean World, 1571-1640, New York-Londres, p 148-149.

[26] Fedalto 1988, II,p. 885.

[27] Carali 1936, I, p. 419.

[28] Tsirpanlis 1973, n° 43 ; Fedalto 1991-1994, III, p. 109.

[29] Tsirpanlis 1973, n° 109.

[30] Cirilli 1898, p. 16-17 ; Dib 1962-1973, I, p. 157-162 ; Heyberger 1994, p. 141; Tsirpanlis 1973, n° 109.

[31] Heyberger 1994, p. 427.

[32] Dib 1962-1973, I, p. 148.

[33] The Maronite Archbishopric of Cyprus, The History of the Maronite Community of Cyprus through the Birth Register,1669-1921, Nicosia 2008.

[34] Cirilli 1898, p. 18 ; Dib 1962-1973, I, p. 182-183, 189-141.

[35] Carali 1936, I, p. 163 ; Hassiotis 1972, n° 25, 64 ; Heyberger 1994, p. 189.

[36] Dib 1962-1973, I, p. 182-183, 189-141.

[37] DIB P., Étude sur la liturgie maronite, Paris 1919, 34-37 ; HAYEK M., Liturgie Maronite, histoire et textes eucharistiques, Tours 1964, 61-67; GEMAYEL P.E., ID., Avant-Messe maronite. Histoiree et structure (OCA 147) Rome 1965, 98-110; ANAISSI T., Bullarium Maronitarum, Rome 1911; ID., Collection Documentarum Maronitarum, Livourne 1912.

[38] Borg, Alexander (1985). Cypriot Arabic: A Historical and Comparative Investigation into the Phonology and Morphology of the Arabic Vernacular Spoken by the Maronites of Kormakiti Village in the Kyrenia District of North-Western Cyprus. Stuttgart: Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft. ISBN 3-515-03999-6; ID., (1997). “Cypriot Arabic Phonology”. In Kaye, Alan S. Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). 1. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. pp. 219–244. ISBN 1-57506-017-5; ID., (2004). A Comparative Glossary of Cypriot Maronite Arabic (Arabic-English). Brill. ISBN 90-04-13198-1; Council of Europe (2011-01-18). “European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. Third periodical presented to the Secretary General of the Council of Europe in accordance with Article 15 of the Charter. CYPRUS”; Council of Europe (2014-01-16). “European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. Fourth periodical presented to the Secretary General of the Council of Europe in accordance with Article 15 of the Charter. CYPRUS”; Hadjioannou, Xenia; Tsiplakou, Stavroula; Kappler, Matthias (2011). “Language policy and language planning in Cyprus”. Current Issues in Language Planning. Routledge. 12 (4): 503–569. doi:10.1080/14664208.2011.629113; Hki Fi Sanna; Ztite, Kermia (2008). “Comments in accordance with Article 16.2 of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages”, Hki Fi Sanna ; Owens, Jonathan (2006). A Linguistic History of Arabic. Oxford University PressISBN 0-19-929082-2; Thomas, George J. (2000). “The Spoken Arabic Dialect Of The Maronites Of Cyprus”. The Journal of Maronite Studies; Tsiapera, Maria (1969). A Descriptive Analysis of Cypriot Maronite Arabic. The Hague: Mouton; Versteegh, Kees (2001). The Arabic Language. Edinburgh University PressISBN 0-7486-1436-2.